I have own memories of the ”hard border” between northern Ireland and the Republic. In particular, the approach of three young men who in the twilight threw a molotov cocktail against one of the british army’s armoured landrovers; how quickly the fire flared up and went out while they ran away. Or to be shortlisted out of the tour bus in the middle of the night by a conquered merrily british officers who wanted to examine everyone’s luggage; how quickly the mood became threatening and how the young soldiers took a firmer grip on their k-pistes.
today, I would not be able to find these crossing points even though I was looking. The state border are, of course, remained, but was over a couple of decades theoretical – until the Brexit now provoke it again.
and the consequences it has grown up a whole literature. Already in 1986 decided a young Colm Tóibín to follow it strictly, and on foot, which meant that wading through swamps and climb over the wrecked car. The impressions he gathered in the ”Bad blood” (1987), a discerning portrayal of the new Ireland that was about to take shape. Since then, the political vandringsessän become a genre of his own, and in the wake of Brexit has two such gränsvandrarböcker attracted attention. 2017 came Garrett Carr’s ”The rule of the land” and the year after the ”Hard border” by Darach MacDonald – books by giving voice to the people along the border, reports today’s concern for the absurd political and economic consequences of Brexitomröstningen.
The latest gränsboken called ”The border” and is written by Ireland’s most renowned historians, Diarmaid Ferrites. He gave last year released the acclaimed ”On the edge” that depicted the history of independent Ireland’s emergence as seen from the outskirts – they then still irisktalande islands on the country’s west coast.
”The border” is a completely different kind of book. It is obviously quickly written, but meticulous in their citations. Ferrites want to apply the historian’s long term perspective on a burning samtidsfråga, and it works; can you in Ferriters downhill through the twentieth century to get sight of the tragedies that created the border and the dangers in allowing it to occur again.
the year before the republic of Ireland’s independence. But the dash to the passage of map makers drew went back on sextonhundratalets folkrensningar, then the british colonial power ”once for all” would resolve the problems with the catholic, irisktalande and constantly rebellious province of Ulster. The earth was confiscated from catholic irish to be awarded to protestant englishmen and scots, who had sworn allegiance to the british crown and promised not to keep the farmers of irish origin. This in turn led to more rebellion, which finally was put down 1690 – a victory of today’s northern ireland Orangeorden even celebrate every year with their marching.
the Years before the first world war, there were promises of ”Home rule”, self-determination for Ireland in the context of the british empire – a decision that also was voted for in 1912, despite the right’s stubborn resistance, but because of the war, remained dormant. And after the easter rising of 1916 was considered the irish to have stabbed London in the back. Then came the guerrilla war 1919-21, until Ireland got its independence – but the six counties in the north where the majority were protestants. These had also, during the Unionistpartiets leader Edward Carson, opposed all what ”Home rule” was called and refused to let itself be guided by the ”papister”.
Some historians believe that the split led to the irish civil war of 1922-23, but Ferrites do a different interpretation: he argues that the very fact of recognition of that was a part of the british empire led to the fighting. The newly created free state was anyway enough to sort out, and wanted to avoid the protestants in the north. The dream of becoming ”a nation once again” ended up for a long time in the back seat.
At any my grew in the northern ireland civil rights movement developed, strongly inspired by its american counterpart. Photo: Peter Morrison/AP
changed by the division. As Ferrites reminds escalated the repression of the catholic minority: the evictions took place on a large scale, they referred to poor-quality housing and shut out from the labour market. The constituencies was redrawn so as not to won where you were in the majority.
The protestant northern irish identity, which is based on fidelity to the united kingdom, will be, paradoxically, to something other than being ”britt” and loyal to the crown. Also in London, saw them increasingly as a own variety with its own agenda – and not, nor were you thrilled over the division. Ferrites tells how Churchill in the run-up to the second world war approached the neutral Ireland and offered them reunion with the north that the united kingdom had naval bases in Ireland. The answer was no.
Ferrites points out that the protestant fear of the ”catholic” Republic was not entirely groundless; the decades following the liberation of the development of the irish nationalism in the ultrakatolsk direction, and the intermingling of church and state had severe consequences, as when the now uncovered and genomlysts led to the church’s rapid decline. An example was the severe religious censorship, which led to the novels of Edna O’brien’s totalförbjöds.
the northern ireland civil rights movement developed, strongly inspired by its american counterpart. The requirements were related – end of rigged constituencies and discrimination in the labour market. The answer to the initially peaceful demonstrations became hard. After ”Bloody Sunday” in 1972, when fourteen unarmed demonstrators were shot dead by british parachute drops, developed the situation to a lågskaligt terrorkrig between the groups that resurrected the IRA and the UVF and UDA. It is now the border will be fortified: it shoots up the tower out of the forest and gravel roads plugged again with the nail and pansarhinder. But the violence is spreading on both sides of the border and across the sea to the Uk. The victims during ”The troubles” is considered between three and four thousand dead and fifty thousand wounded.
in the Midst of this terrorkrig in northern Europe takes so fredsprocessens miracle shape – as a result of the hard work of many actors. Ferrites focuses on the peace laureate John Hume, the leader of the social democratic-catholic party, the SDLP and his pragmatism. When Margaret Thatcher, the notoriously ignorant about Ireland, the less opens the door for the good Friday agreement signed in 1998. But the peace is based on both Uk and Ireland are full members of the EU. Why fight about which country to be a citizen – if you can be with both? And the border is slowly becoming increasingly invisible.
the solution that took shape fascinating enough similar to the low-completed in 1912 – with the influence of both the Dublin parliament in Stormont in Belfast. Both sides would ”be tied” in the common institutions and commitments, which in high degree is what has happened. Economic features of northern Ireland and the republic has become increasingly interconnected. And now shall all this be cut up and the history is rolled back.
For it is precisely the border that has become the overriding issue in the Brexitförhandlingarna: Tory högerflank and northern ireland’s DUP has the longest blocked ”backstop solution”, negotiated by the EU and Theresa May, which would mean that the border was held open until a free trade agreement was in place. The Labour party has the most mumlat in question, until a couple of weeks ago opened the way for a second referendum. In the parliament the contradictory votes in succession – last week voted against a ”hard Brexit” – and the soon to be Mays twice felled to the proposals likely to be tested yet again. There is here a line is hard to find.
to get a picture of what today’s opinion in northern Ireland want. 55 per cent voted ”remain”. Still got the ”leave”-the party DUP the most votes in the election in 2017. The number of northern ireland applications for citizenship in the Republic is increasing quickly, as a way to keep a foot in the EU. The authorities expect 300,000 to the after Brexit – at the side of the 80,000-100,000 of which have already been processed. Some republicans are dreaming rosy dreams of a completely peaceful reunification of the island. But if the limit is resurrected, it will still put a spanner in the wheel. Also militant nationalists in fresh air.
Gränsproblemet low in the totally open light throughout the Brexitkampanjen, but that someone cared. The historian Ferrites don’t have any solutions, but a political disaster from the past take the form of an evil replay. He chooses to conclude with a quote of the Brexitgeneralen Nigel Farage, when he is on a rare occasion got a question about the border: ”What are the problems? There are no problems.”
One should remind themselves that the ”problem” in English can also be spelled ”troubles”.
