Geert Wilders’ extravagant haircut isn’t the only trait he has in common with Donald Trump. As was the case with the former American president, almost no one anticipated the surprise victory Thursday evening of the leader of the Party for Freedom (PVV) in the legislative elections in the Netherlands. The country was led for thirteen years by the liberal-conservative Mark Rutte. It was on the promise of a break with this heritage that Geert Wilders campaigned. Although he must still manage to form a coalition government to become prime minister, his victory is already a real shock in Dutch political life.
Sometimes nicknamed the “Trump of the Netherlands” for his populist ideas, Geert Wilders, 60, has always been in politics, unlike the former American head of state. “He studied in the VVD, Rutte’s liberal-conservative party,” explains Niek Pas, lecturer in contemporary history at the University of Amsterdam. He left the VVD in 2006 amid disagreements over immigration.” The fight against the Islamization of the Netherlands by stemming migratory flows is at the heart of its political program.
“He comes from Venlo, a provincial town,” continues Niek Pas, “so he does not have the classic sociology of Dutch politicians, generally from large central cities.” Moreover, it is in rural areas and peripheral areas that his party finds its electoral base. Since its creation, its scores have varied between ten and 25 seats. “I would describe him as a right-wing populist,” says the professor, “in the tradition of Orban or Marine Le Pen.”
“He has a lot of political sense,” says Niek Pas, “behind his provocative sentences, he is a smart, cunning, very experienced man, he has been in parliament for 25 years.” The man is in fact used to making controversial statements on immigration. He was notably convicted in court for having described Moroccans as “scum”. Furthermore, his outings against Islam have earned him several fatwas which have forced him since 2004 to live permanently under police protection. “This surveillance forces him into absolute isolation,” underlines Niek Pas.
The fight against what he calls an “Islamic invasion” of the West constitutes his political DNA. This is demonstrated by the PVV program: “We want less Islam in the Netherlands and we will achieve this through less non-Western immigration and a general end to asylum.” “No Muslim schools, Korans and mosques,” specifies the document, which provides for a ban on wearing the Islamic headscarf in government buildings.”
The PVV proposes an “asylum freeze” and “a generally more restrictive immigration policy”, as well as an exemption from European rules on asylum and migration. The party wants to reinstate Dutch border controls, turning back asylum seekers who try to enter the Netherlands from “safe neighboring countries”. Illegal immigrants will be arrested and deported, Syrians with temporary asylum permits will have their permits revoked because “parts of Syria are now safe”. Refugees holding a residence permit will lose it “if they go on vacation to their country of origin”. EU nationals will need work permits and the number of foreign students will be reduced, the manifesto promises.
When it comes to foreign policy, the PVV states straight away that “our own country comes first”. For the rest, the document underlines his friendship for Israel, “the only true democracy in the Middle East”. In this regard, Geert Wilders’ party therefore proposes to move the Dutch embassy “to Jerusalem” and to close that of Ramallah, seat of the “corrupt Palestinian authority”. Furthermore, diplomatic relations will be severed “immediately” with countries applying Sharia law and from where Dutch MPs have received death threats.
On climate and energy issues, the PVV affirms that we must not fear warming and build an energy mix based on both fossil fuels and nuclear power. “We have been made to fear climate change for decades (…) We must stop being afraid,” declares the party manifesto. The document brushes aside the issue of rising sea levels and calls for more extraction of oil and gas from the North Sea and keeping coal and gas-fired power stations open. “The PVV also supports the rapid construction of new nuclear power plants.”
Also readChristophe de Voogd: “In the Netherlands, the end of the populist taboo”
“No one expected it, not even the winner himself,” said the Dutch daily Trouw. For its part, public radio NOS described the PVV victory as “monstrous”. “It’s a real surprise,” confirms Niek Pas, “the Dutch were rather expecting a victory for the NSC, led by Pieter Omtzigt, from the Christian Democratic party.” How can we explain this unexpected score? “Geert Wilders had a very good campaign and was able to ease up on this issue during his campaign,” underlines Niek Pas, “to place greater emphasis on purchasing power.” A strategy which earned him the ironic nickname “Geert Milders” (Geert the Gentle) from certain commentators.
The lecturer at the University of Amsterdam also underlines that “the VVD, the classic right-wing government party, has strongly contributed to lifting the cordon santé by repeatedly presenting the PVV as a suitable partner”. Finally, he highlights “the very bad campaign” of the alliance of left-wing labor and ecologists (PvdA-GL) led by former European commissioner Frans Timmermans. “Timmermans notably said he was in favor of female police officers being able to wear the veil,” he says, “this was a strong moment: part of the electorate of the universalist left, attached to secularism, turned away from him.”
The Netherlands is a parliamentary system: the appointment of a government results from a coalition between parties to form a majority. Geert Wilders must therefore convince other parties to get behind him. But the leaders of the three other major parties – the center-right VVD, Pieter Omtzigt’s NSC and the left – had assured before the elections that they would not participate in a government led by the PVV.
Finally, Pieter Omtzigt of the NSC said he was open to negotiations, although conceding that the process would “not be easy”. Laconic at the exit of the polls, VVD candidate Dilan Yesilgöz finally declared: “We are available to govern.” Logically, Timmermans rejected Wilders’ offers head-on: “The time has come for us to defend democracy,” he said. At the head of the Farmer-Citizen Movement (BBB), which shares many of the PVV’s proposals, Caroline van der Plas declared herself ready to do business with it. The party, which represents the agricultural and rural world, came first in the provincial elections in March.
“For Omtzigt and Yesilgöz, the red line is to remain within the framework of the Dutch constitution,” explains Niek Pas. If Geert Wilders manages to be appointed prime minister, it is therefore a safe bet that it will be at the cost of significant concessions on his program.
Also read: The Netherlands, from overheating to recession
The PVV has in fact promised a referendum on whether or not the Netherlands should remain in the European Union, a “Nexit”. In fact, several points in the program, particularly on immigration, seem incompatible with European law. Furthermore, Geert Wilders calls for “a sovereign Netherlands, a Netherlands responsible for its own currency, its own borders and which establishes its own rules”. The party’s program is generally very critical of the EU, considered as “an institution which appropriates more and more power, monopolizes taxpayers’ money and imposes diktats on us.”
“I do not believe in a referendum on leaving the European Union,” says Niek Pas in particular, who considers that this cannot be tolerated by other parties likely to form an alliance with the PVV. Wilders’ party also wants the Netherlands to become a net beneficiary of European funds, not a net contributor. He also rejects any further expansion of the EU and wants to restore his veto power in Brussels. Enough to arouse real apprehension in Brussels, less than a year before the election of the Brussels Parliament.
