After parties in the new firepartiregjeringen agreed new regjeringsplattform, has the Labour party come in a clearer and easier defined opposisjonstilværelse. What we see in the abortsaken and discussion about biotechnology, where the party has added an a broadside the last week. We also see clear signs of the same in the climate policy.
While was still in vippeposisjon in Parliament in the fall, launched the christian democratic party has a desire to change on the oljeskatten – specifically leterefusjonsordningen. It allows oil companies to recover the large part of the costs if they do not make a profit. The scheme has been debated for a long time, and in the Parliament have also Left, distinguished himself as a strong critics. But in regjeringsplattformen is Norwegian oil policy firm. Right and the progress party has not been to budge, and thus, also the Left and the christian democratic party has locked to the same position.
It opens room for others.
We have seen it coming for a while. The labour party launched last fall a klimabudsjett with greater ambitions, formulated with a greater degree of seriousness than we have seen in the past. In the class struggle yesterday stuck klimapolitisk spokesperson Espen Barth Eide finger in where it hurts for the Better and Left in oljeskatten. We can not protect Norwegian oil policy, he says – and supports its own ungdomspartis the right to talk about an end date for the petroleum industry in the country.
all of a Sudden we where sure that the Labour party can front a more restrictive oil policy than the Left and This can stand for, now that both have been subject to a civil flertallsprosjekt.
It creates a new dynamics in the Norwegian climate policy. It has a stronger competitive factor. We have seen signs of it already. The labour party’s proposal last autumn was to take the entire cut of 40 per cent of greenhouse gas emissions in transport, agriculture, construction o. l. (non-kvotepliktig sector) at home in Norway. Thus was the Ap a little kvassere than the coalition parties, which had as its ambition to cut the 40 per cent – but with the help of kvotekjøp in the EU. In the debates between Barth Eide and klimaminister Ola Elvestuen could hear that it was a problem for the Left. In the new regjeringsplattformen is the ambition increased to 45 per cent, with the ambition that everything should be cut in the Uk – but still with a built-in safety valve if kvotekjøp in the EU if it is “strictly necessary”.
Competition to have the highest ambitions are still one thing. Competition for heavily oil policy between klimapartiene in the centre and one of the styringspartiene, is something totally different and totally new. Oil policy is not only climate policy, it is industrial policy and sysselsettingspolitikk. To poke fingers this way wide, in the trade unions and industries. It is the employer and of the ordinary workers, hand in hand.
But it is not a coincidence that it happens now. Barth Eide has good arguments at hand.
The first called Klimarisikoutvalget, and their report, which was launched in December. In a debate in the Norwegian newspaper Dagbladet-director for the weekend, went Barth Eide so far as to call it one of the most important that is written in Norway. (Listen to the debate in the podcast-link above) the Reason that he can say it, is that the report describes the scary scenarios of what will happen if we fail to slow climate change. The scenarios in which we succeed, is also scary – if you do not want changes for the Norwegian petroleum industry. If the world succeeds in slowing climate change, this means that we will need much less oil and gas in 2050. As Barth Eide, says in the class struggle: “the Future can come sooner than many have though”.
Here is the reason why finansfolket has been concerned about the climate
course something non-committal and reserved by Barth Eide and the Labour party’s reorientation. The party feel continues. But there is a good chance that it will be able to get a good reception. With two klimapartier in a government with a bound mandate, will the climate be able to mobilize voters. Large parts of the business sector now appears that the long-term a pro-located in the green and renewable products and systems. In Davos this week got the oil companies sweat in a meeting with international investors who requested more analyses on climate risks.
In the trade unions see the need for reorientation, and the strategic work is in progress under the heading “fair transition”. With it think you, a policy for new jobs and restructuring of the workforces.
essential for Labor, as in the climate policy otherwise, if it goes fast enough. The answer on whether the party will succeed, we’ll know soon. The litmus test is simple: If no significant actors from the Labour party or the trade unions will promote out in protest in the course of the next few days, have Barth Eide received the thumbs up.
we Learn not by this can klimaframtida be a little nice Comment
