A comfortable couch, a distinctive view over Vilnius: when you visit the Taiwanese representative Eric Huang in his office on the 16th floor of an inconspicuous office building, you don’t have the feeling of being in one of the most explosive places in Lithuania. In fact, Beijing was furious when Taiwan opened the “Taiwanese Representative Office” here in the fall of 2021. Normally, Taiwan’s representations in Europe only bear the name of the capital, Taipei. The fact that Lithuania allowed another name was seen as a clear break with the “One China policy” and punished with massive sanctions.
A year after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Lithuania is now under pressure on two fronts – in addition to anger with China, former occupying power Russia is living out its imperial power fantasies next door. In Vilnius, 30 kilometers from NATO’s eastern flank, this is viewed with suspicion. But why do people here not shy away from confrontation with the great powers?
WORLD: Mr. Huang, what is the difference between your “representative office” and an official embassy?
Eric Huang: We don’t maintain official diplomatic relations with Lithuania, but we see ourselves as a “de facto embassy” – even if we’re not allowed to call ourselves that. But our tasks are the same as with a normal embassy.
WORLD: Does the Lithuanian government know that too? Officially, like all other EU countries, the country adheres to the one-China policy.
Huang: You have to distinguish between a country’s principles and policies. The latter are determined by the states themselves according to their own interests. But they can also change. For example, a country’s “One China Policy” may differ from China’s “One China Principle”. China maintains that Taiwan is part of its country as a “principle”. But this does not necessarily translate into the politics of other countries.
WORLD: Why is Lithuania braver than other EU countries and lets you run your office under your name?
Huang: Lithuania is about supporting democracy and freedom. The country itself experienced being ruled by a communist state during the Soviet era. This memory is still anchored across the country. When we opened the office, Lithuanian friends told me they support Taiwan because it makes them feel young again. They would not only fight for Taiwan, but also for themselves. Deep in their hearts, they feel that the pressure from Russia will also increase if they do not consistently defend democracy and freedom.
WORLD: As a result of the opening, there were tough sanctions against Lithuania. China has expelled the Lithuanian ambassador from the country and there has been an economic boycott: no more dairy products, no beer, no more beef from Lithuania. Did you expect this?
Huang: We knew there would be consequences. However, we did not expect that China, as part of the World Trade Organization, would commit such a gross violation of international law.
WORLD: How hard are the sanctions hitting Lithuania?
Huang: To my knowledge, Lithuania’s exports grew even faster last year than before. In any case, the country has tried in the past to make itself more independent of autocratic regimes. Shortly after the illegal annexation of Crimea, Lithuania phased out Russian gas. And in 2013, due to political differences, Russia had already banned food imports from Lithuania, which was also a meaningful signal for Lithuania.
WORLD: Freedom and democracy are all well and good, but couldn’t the pressure on you become too great at some point if Lithuania increasingly lacks the money?
Huang: A country’s territorial integrity is inviolable – Lithuania and the EU had to do what needs to be done as a result of Russia’s attack. China has never been a big trading partner. Economically, Lithuania has been turning to the West for some time and is now in a better position than many other countries.
WORLD: The Ukraine war made it clear how dangerous close economic relationships with authoritarian states can be. Is Europe too naive towards China?
Huang: I wouldn’t call it naive. But we understand our neighbor very well: The most important thing for China is the stability of the region and the retention of domestic power. They are communists, nothing but power counts. But China is currently facing several problems: the population is aging and shrinking, productivity is stagnating, and they are dependent on many other countries for their supply chains. This is dangerous, because the people will only support the regime as long as the country is growing economically. In order to secure its own hold on power, China wants to export its government model to other countries.
WORLD: Does Europe recognize the danger involved?
Huang: Europe knows how important Taiwan’s chips are to the whole world. The artificial intelligence ChatGPT is currently causing a stir – it too is ultimately based on chips from Taiwan. They are built into all technology and weapons. Would that still be allowed if the chips were made by an autocratic country? Business and politics used to be strictly separated. Now you can see that this is no longer possible.
WORLD: Is Germany moving in the right direction when it comes to its China policy? We remember the Chinese Cosco participation in the port of Hamburg.
Huang: I can only say that Germany’s decisions as the backbone of the European Union are being watched closely by the whole world. Any investment by Chinese companies subordinate to the Communist Party should be questioned. We would not allow such an investment in Taiwan. Different situation, different country, but still: A few years ago, the Lithuanian government rejected a Chinese investment in the port of Klaipėda – knowing full well that the port is an important landing stage for NATO forces should Lithuania be attacked.
WORLD: What do you say about China’s twelve-point plan for peace in the Ukraine war?
Huang: I don’t want to comment on that. Just one question from my side: did you find any specific proposal in the paper?
WORLD: Why do you think China got involved with this initiative?
Huang: China communicated a “boundless friendship” with Russia just days before invading Ukraine. China may try to improve its image with such advances. But it cannot fool the world with a dubious plan.
WORLD: Do you expect China to launch an attack on Taiwan in the next five years?
Huang: I won’t give a percentage, but the chance is there and it’s not small. It also largely depends on what is happening in Ukraine. If support for Western democracies there wanes, it will encourage China.
WORLD: In the past, US President Biden said that the US would defend Taiwan militarily even in the event of an invasion. Typically, such requests to speak are immediately captured by White House spokesmen. Do you still trust in this support?
Huang: We trust our allies and expect US support. I don’t want to talk about the details at this point, we want to retain this strategic freedom. In the long term we aim for security guarantees, but of course we are pragmatic. Therefore, we are primarily expanding our own defense.
WORLD: In the event of an invasion of Taiwan, could Russia become an ally of China like the US is currently with Taiwan?
Huang: The two relationships are far too different for that. Taiwan and the US are a community of values, both hold democracy and freedom very highly. In contrast, Russia and China have a marriage of convenience, with autocracies forging alliances to survive. In the Ukraine war, however, China is learning a great deal from Russia.
WORLD: What would that be exactly?
Huang: Some tactics in asymmetric warfare, for example. You see clearly that Russia’s troops, despite their numerical superiority, are not nearly as effective as previously estimated. Above all, however, one learned how crucial the morale of the Ukrainian army turned out to be. War isn’t just about guns.
WORLD: In the event of war, China would be burdened with sanctions and risk severe economic losses. Do you think such considerations are rationally classified there or is the ideological now overriding the careful consideration?
Huang: Every regime is rational, but they each have different priorities in calculating their interests. While democracies are primarily concerned with the well-being of their citizens, in authoritarian states the regime’s retention of power has the highest priority. If the calculations in China show that Taiwan can be used to secure the power of the regime, then that is quite rational from their point of view.
WORLD: What do you expect from the European Union in the event of an invasion? From Germany?
Huang: The European Union is always the leading power when it comes to freedom and democracy. We expect countries like France and Germany to take a leading role in the fight for it. The most important thing at the moment, however, is to avoid the outbreak of war and to send united symbols.
WORLD: Do you expect arms deliveries in an emergency, also from Europe?
Huang: Then any support would be welcome.
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